At the same time, I take the liberty of requesting that special note be made of his remarks from page 7 onwards. It is to be expected that, when the Entente has control of Constantinople and Turkey, it will soon not only take measures and make programmatic remarks on behalf of the Armenians, but also attempt, in publications, to place the blame for the fate of these unfortunate people on Germany. There can also be no doubt that this attempt will receive a great deal of support from Turkish circles which, as in the past (see especially the bottom of page 8 in the enclosure), like to shift the responsibility from itself to the more powerful adviser and ally. With regard to this, I would respectfully like to note that there is a desire in our circles that the German government should forestall such new attacks on Germany’s honour by publicising the recorded proof of its continuous attempts to prevent and ease the suffering of the Armenians, as soon as circumstances permit this. I refer to my petition of the 9th inst. and the enclosed letter from Mr. Ernst J. Christoffel in Malatia who, on pages 3/4, reports that the generally circulated conviction that Germany was the secret instigator of and the principal at fault for the treatment of the Armenians makes up the worst obstacle to all Christian activities in the Orient, but also of all economic and other cultural activities carried out by Germans. Whatever form Germany’s future relationship with the Middle East may take, we consider it to be imperative and urgent that Germany’s honour be saved publicly in this respect. We cannot judge whether it is still possible to move the Turkish government to agree at the last moment by means of a public announcement to improve the Armenians’ situation by assuring them of the safety of their lives and their faith.
Parallel to accusations against Germany, we German Christians are also being accused abroad that, due to the blindness caused by the war and our national egoism, we indifferently and lethargically ignored the greatest murder of Christians of all times. Therefore, we have already planned a publication that is to present our attitude to those events and what we attempted to do, holding nothing back. Until now, we have not made such a publication out of patriotic considerations, but as soon as the protection of the German-Turkish alliance can no longer be taken into account, we do not wish to hesitate any longer, because we can no longer tolerate this spot on the reputation of the German Christian name throughout the world.
The Armenian People.
Report by Pastor Count von Lüttichau on his personal observations and conclusions during the summer of 1918.
On my journey throughout the East during the months of May to August 1918, I stopped in Aleppo three times, for a total of eleven days. I was in Mardin for three days, in Diyarbekir for two, in Osmania (Arghana) for one, in Arghana Maden for three, in Mamuret-ul-Aziz for six, and in Malatia on the Euphrates River for ten days. I had many opportunities on this journey, and not just in Armenia itself, to speak to those who experienced as eye and ear witnesses the catastrophe of the Armenian people, which began 3 ½ years ago and is still not completely finished.
I spoke to men with all kinds of professions and status, officers and soldiers, missionaries and doctors, especially the German consul in Aleppo, Mr. Roessler, who deserves great merit for his in-depth study of this dreadful tragedy. I spoke to both friends and enemies of the Armenians, outstanding Armenians themselves, such as the former Armenian-Catholic Bishop of Erzurum, Monsignor Joseph Melkhisedekh, who lives the life of a slave in Malatia; two Protestant-Armenian clergymen in Mezré, and others, but also Turks, especially the former Mayor of Malatia, Mustafa Agha, an Old Turk, and the first and most well-known Mohammedan clergyman in Malatia, Fezi Hodja, a very intelligent and wise man. I did not need to inquire into the judgement of the governing Young Turk circles: I was well aware of it. It was important to me to be able to determine that the opinions of all of these men, who were so very different with regard to race and nationality, education and status and whose political and religious interests were as extreme as could be, were the same in all the important points, both with regard to the course of the catastrophe itself and to the figures covered by its expanse. For this reason I dare to inform you fully of my own judgement, which I was able to form.
The extent of the catastrophe.
It is of no significance whether the figure given for the total losses of the Armenians is placed at one million (Consul Roessler) or two million (Christoffel), because surely there was never really any authentic information concerning the figure for the size of the Armenian population. The figure cited by Preacher Ehmann in Mezré – 1 ½ million – is estimated as being the closest to the truth. Far more important than the total figure, which is hard to check, is the percentage determined in the individual areas. In the eastern provinces, that is excluding Constantinople and Smyrna and other places in western Turkey, 80 – 90% of the entire population and 98% of the male population is no longer alive. These figures are probably correct. They can be checked town by town and correspond to my personal impression and observations. I met many boys and quite a few old men. I very seldom saw men at the height of their vigour, who stood out by their very existence. In Constantinople itself almost all of the Armenians were spared; the same applied for Smyrna. On the other hand, they were driven out of almost all the smaller towns and villages in western Turkey (for example, in Brussa, Ismid, Adapazar, Bardisag, Jenidje and others), in European Turkey out of Rodosto, Adrianople and so on, so that one may say that, taking into account the Armenians who were left in the capital, in total at least 80% of the population was annihilated. This does not exclude the Catholics and Protestants; rather, it includes them.
The decree in favour of Catholics and Protestants.
The famous decree that ordered these two groups to be spared – the successful result of diplomatic attempts on the part of the Holy See and the papal delegates in Constantinople, and the Imperial German Embassy – was held back for a notoriously long time, as for example in Malatia, until these people had also been annihilated. The implementation of governmental decrees in the interior is left completely to the tyranny and the unscrupulousness of the public authorities. Control at a later stage is not possible. Apparently, the decree was not meant seriously, but represented a kind of pay-off for the bothersome grumblers, rather like baksheesh, without which the Oriental cannot exist. The fact is that Catholics and Protestants also suffered namelessly. There were a great many martyrs among them.
As far as the clergy are concerned, they have been almost completely annihilated. Monsignor Melkhisedekh is the only Armenian clergyman in Malatia. And yet, he does not even belong there; rather, his seat is in Erzurum. There is one Protestant clergyman in Harput and one in Mezré and, as far as I know, two completely subordinated Gregorian priests; furthermore, a Franciscan monk of Armenian origin. There are no more clergymen in Diyarbekir, nor in Arabkir and so on. The few, however, who are left over are so worn down, so intimidated, some of them have lost their mental and spiritual strength, so that there can no longer be any question of their leading their people.
The catastrophe continues.
The total number of losses has not yet been reached. Although persecutions are officially at an end, executions still take place here and there. The prisons are filled. Many people are executed by a court’s decision, rightly or wrongly: one or two almost every day during my stay in Mezré. It is easy enough to find a reason. But the executions are the least of it. Countless people starve. These unbearable images of misery were repeated in every town in the east, and usually it was the Christian population. This explains why this terrible need caused a dreadful dullness, that cannot even be called fatalism, but is almost stupefaction, and as a result of the continuous suffering a nervous tension, from which these unfortunates suffer almost more today than they did three years ago under the persecution itself. I also found shocking proof everywhere for this morbid nervousness.
The number of those remaining.
It is difficult to say how high one should set the figure for those left over from the deportations. At the end of the year 1916, Consul Roessler set a figure of 100,000 for those left over from the deportations in the eastern provinces. Since then, however, many more have been killed or died of hunger, so that the figure would have to be much lower today. It seems to me that this picture has been painted too black. Here, too, it will only be possible to base estimations on individual districts. Supposedly, there are practically no Armenians left in the Vilayet of Bitlis, and only individually scattered groups in the Vilayet of Erzurum. I was unable to learn anything about Van. At least 10,000 people are still alive in the Vilayets of Diyarbekir, Elaziz and Sivas, 4,000 just in Malatia, but probably most of them in Aleppo: at least 20,000 Armenians still live in this district. It is understandable that they were able to survive in places where German and American missions are situated, such as in Sivas, Malatia, Mezré, Marash, Aintab and so on. The Armenian boys were noticeable in all the towns, making themselves useful everywhere and leading a completely wild and neglected existence. The number of orphans that have been accommodated in Turkish houses cannot be estimated. Scattered groups are also to be found in the mountains.
The behaviour of the Kurds.
It is interesting that in the area of the Dersim Kurds not only those Armenians who already lived there in a serf-like kind of relationship were spared, but that it was just this Kurdish tribe that safely led large groups of Armenians through its territory and across the Russian border, certainly not out of love for the Christians, but out of hatred against the Turks. Unfortunately, this obligingness has now stopped since the Dersim people no longer have the Russians to protect their backs and, due to diplomatic and extremely wise measures by the last commander on the Caucasian front, Isset Pasha, they once again became obedient to the Turkish government. A feeling of their own insecurity and fear of the infamous punitive expeditions that were previously carried out against them lead them, at the order of the Ottoman government, to turn over all the Armenians that are still hiding with them. Naturally, this immediately results in executions. About 500 women and children who came from Dersim territory, are in Mezré. The Dersim people are not the only ones who are loyal to the persecuted. In the wild mountains between Malatia and Urfa, for example, a Kurdish robber-chief, Bozo, ruled for a long time. Whenever he could catch them, he enjoyed undressing Turkish officers and soldiers, entertaining Armenian families in this manner.
The behaviour of the Old Turks.
This government measure also caused great displeasure among the Old Turk population. Mustafa Agha, the mayor of Malatia of many years’ standing, himself saved the lives of many Armenians. The old-established population was in no way fanatic. It is understandable that, in the end, many of them were pulled along and, following their lowest instincts, took part in the atrocities out of acquisitiveness and brutal greed. Every Armenian man was a walking gold depot, so to speak, and every Armenian woman exposed, the great mass outlawed. No wonder that many of them allowed themselves to be led to do things that they would otherwise not have thought of.
I now come to the causes. There is no doubt in my mind that an order was sent from Stambul, not in writing or by telegram, but orally through couriers with secret orders. I was told so accordingly in Malatia by Mustafa Agha, for example, who personally attended that infamous meeting in which a secret courier from Stambul brought the order to annihilate the deportees. The deportation was a military measure. The reason for this measure is known to everyone and certainly justified. But the annihilation of the deportees, which succeeded only too well and too thoroughly, was a political measure by the government. I am more certain of this than ever. The time had been chosen as well as possible. Battles were raging on the Dardanelles. It was a question of to be or not to be, not only for the Turks, but also for us. The German government was bound hand and foot, especially because at that time it was heavily indebted to Turkey, because it could not fulfil its promises as long as the path through the Balkans was not free, and Turkey had entered the war solely on the basis of these. Our representation in Constantinople did what it could, right up to the limit, yes, even beyond the limit of what was possible, if not to say permitted, in the national interest. Turkey acted in all consciousness, in a self-satisfied manner, without caring about the judgements of either friend or foe, and carried out when Abdul Hamid had wanted, but could not do at that time. Everywhere on my journey I came to realise that this was a very systematic procedure, a methodicalness that was even more astonishing in this unmethodical country.
Not just our enemies, but also the broad masses of the people put the guilt on us, a burden that we will continue to bear heavily for a long time. The Armenians themselves believe so unerringly in our guilt that one would like to go red with anger and shame. How could things go so far? It is clear that we are indirectly guilty, because we compelled Turkey to enter the war, thus creating the only situation in which this was possible, but this is of no consequence. Far more serious is the fact that higher German officers unfortunately repeatedly made remarks that caused severe damages, without being aware of the political consequences, but simply applying a strategic military point of view. It may well be possible that such remarks were deliberately provoked and then intentionally spread about. Turkey has mastered this art when it needs someone to take on the responsibility and appear to the rest of the world as the scapegoat. It must be admitted that mistakes were made here, not from any bad will, but out of a lack of insight. But I am also now certain of what I was previously convinced of, namely that the slogan, “Germany wants it” was spread about by governmental circles themselves. For example, the following was reported to me in Malatia by ear witnesses: when in the late autumn of 1915 or spring of 1916 Hashim Bey, the Member of Parliament for Malatia, returned to Malatia from his parliamentary session in Constantinople, he gathered together all the notabilities of the town to inform them that he himself had been present when the German Ambassador appeared one day at the Sublime Porte to pass on official congratulations in the name of his government to the Imperial Ottoman government on the extensive implementation and excellent success of the annihilation of the Armenian people. Such shamelessness exceeds all limits. It must be considered how cut off the towns in the east are from the rest of the world. Life in Malatia is like living on an island in the Pacific Ocean. Even in the days when a new sultan succeeded to the throne nothing definite could be found out. Not a single report on the war upset the peaceful contentment of the owners in that rich area. If someone arrives there who can point to his eyes and his ears and deliver a report from Stambul, then it is just as true as if the Prophet had spoken. The main fault lies herein. However, the files on the catastrophe have not yet been closed, and it must be strongly hoped that we, too, will speak out again. But Germany has protested long enough and strongly enough: to the Sublime Porte, but not in public. A time must come in which that which has been neglected must be made up for, otherwise the Turkish captain who sits between Malatia and Sivas and meticulously records in a chronicle all the shameful deeds carried out by his countrymen would, in the end, turn out to be right when he says, “If the German government does not cleanse itself of the shame that rests on it, then I must despise it even more than my own.” He does not believe in Germany’s guilt, but he has a strong feeling for the shame that exists simply because of the bad appearance. No doubt he is right, and such a cleansing will have to take place, for the sake of our German name and the name of Christianity.
The return of the deportees.
Lately a regulation was issued that the deportees were allowed to return. At present I still have strong doubts. This issue was and is still treated differently in the individual vilayets, just as everything is treated completely arbitrarily and without consequences by the higher government officials. In some towns, repatriation had begun, but it soon stopped. A rather strong remigration to the former residences had secretly taken place, especially from the south, from Aleppo and Urfa, even though there is the strongest ban against this and the Armenians are not allowed to move from where they are. Actually, this regulation is carried out quite strictly everywhere. It may be that one official or another is prepared to look the other way. It is questionable whether or not the new regulation will be of any assistance. The opinions on the possibility of returning are quite divided. Some people say: if the central government has ordered this, then most of these people will arrive at their destination, especially since it concerns almost only women and children. But this is exactly where the difficulty arises. I watched with my own eyes as the unfortunate Mohadjirs, i.e. Mohammedans, who had fled from the Russians in Erzurum and Erzindjan and were temporarily settled in the area around Konia or Angora, now returned to their home towns at the instigation of the government, hundreds of them dying along the way because they had no bread. Will it be any different for the Armenians? The others say that for this reason they will strongly distrust the government’s regulation, even though they have no greater desire than to return home, and think about it a hundred times, unless an international mission is entrusted with the supervision or even implementation of this regulation. They will fear that in this way, possibly, they will be finished off. But as long as the Turkish government holds power it will not allow foreigners to become involved. “We set all our hopes on Germany; we expect nothing from Turkey,” two older women from Samsun said, whose husbands and sons had been killed and who now work with their daughters in Turkish field hospitals in Malatia under dreadful moral dangers. They long to return, not only for economic, but far more for moral reasons. Indeed, the moral danger is the worst of all, and Turkey is cutting off its nose to spite its face, especially in this respect, perhaps even more so than it has already done in an economic respect. It is an act of unparalleled imprudence to force the Christians to become proletarians without any possessions, and it will be revenged bitterly. Turkey is really raising a proletariat that, once it is released from its own soil, will be capable of all existing mean tricks simply to escape starvation. This proletariat will gather mainly in the towns, where it will act in a manner similar to the Jews in many European towns, like a parasite, and criminals will be recruited from among its midst. For this reason, too, Germany will once again have to speak out, not only for its own sake and the sake of its name, but also for the sake of Turkey and humanity. The moral need of those remaining is a greater scandal than the blood of those who were murdered.
The question of settlement.
The deportees did not settle anywhere. That order was probably given in the beginning for humane reasons, but it was not meant seriously, nor was it taken seriously. A classic example is the fate of the 30,000 who were lucky to arrive in Der-el-Zor at the lower end of the Euphrates River during their journey through the desert. The benevolent Mutessarif Ali Suad wanted to settle them there “according to orders”. The immediate result was that he was recalled and a Circassian took his place, who literally led all of them, without exception, into the desert and had them killed there.
Independent Armenian districts.
It follows from that that the Turkish government will never allow individual districts in Turkish Armenia to be resettled with a majority of or purely Armenian population. It is completely out of the question that old, originally Armenian vilayets might be re-established, thus achieving a certain independence in the lives of the remaining Armenian people in their home country by separating them on a local level. A man such as Ali Issan, who received his military training in Germany and speaks perfect German, the present Commander of the 6th Army in Mosul, has stated a countless number of times for the attention of German ears that within the boundaries of his command he will not permit a single Armenian to be left alive. He boasted to German officers that he personally killed Armenians. As long as such men occupy influential positions and as long as such remarks go unpunished there can be no question of independence in a political sense for the Armenians within Turkey. Nor is there hardly a chance outside Turkey. The independent state of Armenia that has now established itself and appeared on the scene like a volcanic island arising out of the chaotic mass of people and races in a sea made stormy by sinister powers is, under no circumstances, capable of survival in the form in which it presents itself today. It will not even be able to feed those who live there today, let alone be in a position to accept others within its borders. But the Turkish nation will never allow an Armenia that is truly capable of survival to exist along its border, and the Armenians will never receive permission from Turkey to emigrate there. There is no hope in this direction.
Returning Armenian property to its owners.
A further serious question concerns the future of personal Armenian goods and real estate. Will property be returned to the deportees, should they be allowed to return to their homes? Fundamentally speaking, this is solely a matter of real estate. This will be treated very differently in each of the districts. The Turks are masters of the art of keeping up appearances with regard to what is right. Generally, for example, a division of the fields did not take place. The properties, houses, fields, including the inventory, are called ‘Emval Mettrukke’, that is “property left behind”. Special committees were set up (so-called “Emval Mettrukke Committees” or Tasvieh Committee) that were given the task of putting matters in order. The inventory was usually “sold”. The houses, however, as far as they were not destroyed by the rabble, as happened in many places, and the fields are considered to be unsaleable and are held by the government, which leases them again every year. This avoids foreign intervention, which they appear to fear. In most cases, however, this procedure, which appears to protect the rights of the owners, is nothing more than liquidation by the state. As far as returning property to its former owners is concerned, this has happened, wholly or partly, in individual cases in some towns. But it was always achieved only surreptitiously by means of baksheesh or through personal connections. The entire matter can only be resolved by legal means. A regulation already exists allowing heirs of Armenians who died before deportation to take possession of their inheritance. Naturally, these are only individual cases. However, Preacher Christoffel became aware of about 5 or 6 such cases, in which the heirs actually achieved their goal after having overcome the usual harassments and by applying well-known means. Reckoning on a large scale could be carried out legally in a similar manner. A small, albeit not very agreeable consolation with regard to this matter is that the Armenians surpass the Turks in shrewdness and cunning in these matters as well, and may well achieve their goal more quickly in their own way than if foreigners took official steps. Germany, however, will have to use its influence here as well to create a legal foundation.
The return to Christianity of those converted to Islam.
Far more serious is the problem of the return to Christianity of those who were forced to convert to Islam. Will such a return be allowed? How shall it be done? The number of people who converted to Islam varies in the different districts. Conversions were infrequent in Mezré, while the people in Malatia and Sivas, for example, converted in droves. Their figure is set at 95 % in Malatia. Again in other towns, such as Mersivan, Tokat and Amasia, the Armenians wanted to convert, but were not permitted to do so. Here, too, the authorities acted in an arbitrary manner. The Turks played cat and mouse with their victims. Conversions to Islam were generally not taken seriously and often merely a means towards an even more thorough annihilation. Either the offer caused distrust, the people had second thoughts that were interpreted as refusal and used as an excuse to execute them, or they agreed only to experience the greatest difficulties; doubts were cast on their sincerity or they were heaped with scorn: you are not worthy of becoming Mohammedans, and the result was the same. This, in particular, is a very painful matter, especially if one thinks of the children that were spread out throughout the entire empire in Turkish orphanages, and of the girls that are in Turkish harems. It will never be possible to bring either group back. Most of the independent adults are positively craving to return to Christianity. Their souls suffer from terrible pressure, while there is a frightening spell on their consciences. This is what I experienced, for example, when visiting the widow of a Protestant clergyman from Samsun who, in order to save her children, converted to Islam and is presently enjoying the hospitality of Bethesda in Malatia. How can all of these unfortunates be helped? In addition to economic and moral needs there is also a religious need. In 1895/96, under the pressure of the European powers, freedom was given to people to reconvert to their former religion. Many, if not most of them, are said to have made use of this. Once again, only a legal regulation can be of assistance here, or they will have to emigrate to the United States.
The present situation of the remainder of the population.
Accordingly, the situation of the remaining Armenians is conceivably the saddest. They have lost all of their rights. They have been made slaves and will remain slaves. They are Helots. They have been treated as goods and they must accept such treatment even today. They were and are today still being traded as slaves. Girls and children were sold. A change in this hopeless state is not in sight. They themselves are too worn down, too dulled and too cowardly to do so. This is the political state of things. The religious state is no better. Here, too, the historical context has been hopelessly torn. The Armenian Patriarch in Constantinople, who was the representative for all of the Ottoman Armenians in public matters with the Turkish government, was deported to Baghdad during the period of persecution. At the same time, a law was enacted that in future the Patriarch was no longer to have a seat in Constantinople, but rather in Jerusalem. This simply robs him of his power, for he has been removed from his parish. There are no Armenians in Jerusalem; instead, the British are there. The ecclesiastical unity of the people is gone. The Catholicos of Cilicia, who has his seat in Sis near Adana, only has command over a minority in the districts of Adana and Aleppo. With regard to religious matters, by far the majority of the Armenians in the northern vilayets are subject to the Catholicos of Echmiadzin.
The people have been annihilated.
Thus, as a people the people have been annihilated. Will it manage at some point in the future with its inherent tenacity to rise up again? I doubt it very much. However, the tenacity of this people is amazing. There is an economic power in these people that cannot be admired enough. One meets countless boys in Aleppo, in Mardin, in Harput, in Malatia and in other towns who, separated from their families, their homes, left to stand on their own feet, actually manage to get by selling little bits and pieces or enter service as an apprentice with a Turkish master craftsman, soon surpassing the master by means of their skilfulness and their zeal. Many of them, however, also become prostitutes, with no hope of being saved. There is no more hope for the people as a people. It is over. But how can the rest be protected? There appears to be only one radical solution for the Armenian question: emigration. But it is not certain whether Turkey will give its permission. In addition, the Armenians are also sons of the soil. From an economic and missionary point of view it must be regretted, and yet I agree with Preacher Ehmann, who said: there is only one piece of advice to give them: emigrate, and it is our duty to help them to emigrate. All of this, however, under the condition that Turkey stays as it is and that the peace agreement does not bring about a radical change in the political situation in the Orient.
The question of guilt.
It is almost superfluous to raise the question of guilt. This is a matter of racial opposites and violent historical evolutions, and today we are not yet able to discern how they relate. No one will deny that the Armenians are also guilty on their part. The following must be taken into consideration when reaching a fair judgement: much has been written in the newspapers about atrocities that were carried out by the Armenians against the Mohammedans. Such atrocities did, in fact, happen. This fact cannot be denied, even if each source here in the Orient must first be met with the greatest distrust, because all of the parties involved lie shamelessly and the Oriental fantasy can produce the most amazing results. Despite its Christian tradition of 1500 years’ standing, the cultural state of the Armenians is a very low one. The Armenian is also capable of baseness, especially if he holds the power in his hands. He, too, can torture. One brother has betrayed the other countless times. But it must be differentiated: those Armenians who live in the vilayets situated in the north on the Russian-Persian border were all oriented towards Russia and, more or less without exception, anarchistically-nihilistically infiltrated and contaminated. They were capable of all kinds of cruelties, and in the country there were a great many similarities between them and the Kurds. The Armenians in the middle vilayets, especially Sivas, Elaziz and Diyarbekir, are culturally on a completely different level. They were oriented towards the West. During the course of time they lost all of their warrior-like characteristics, became peaceful craftsmen and farmers, the economic power of the rich provinces in which they lived and, thus, never really a danger for Turkey. While the first group also relied on Russia economically, the second lived off the Ottoman soil, which they developed to an exceptionally high level and from which they drew great wealth. But that was just what caused greed and avarice, and this also led to their undoing.
Actually, all non-Turks in the Ottoman Empire share the fate of the Armenians: the Syrians in Mesopotamia, the Druses in the Lebanon, the Greeks along the coastlines, the Kurds in their wonderful mountains, yes, even the Arabs. And yet we have still not reached the end of the tragedy that took place in this country during the war. Who has counted the hundreds of thousands of Turkish soldiers and, lately, the Turkish emigrants as well who died, not actually because of the war, but because of indifference, unscrupulousness and lack of order, and are continuing to die every day, even though they are Mohammedans? There is not a single country among the powers at war that has actually suffered such a dreadful loss of human lives as has Turkey, not just proportionately, but in real figures. And the end is not yet in sight. But on the other hand, there is not a country on the continent among the powers at war that is so rich in everything, literally everything, that is necessary for life, raw materials and food, that it could be completely independent, as is the case for Turkey. It is just this contrast that is so terrible. The attentive observer can see it in little things every day in shocking images on the streets.
When will the hour of salvation arrive, and who will the Master of History honour as the new Moses, who will lead the oppressed people from slavery to freedom?